More Bandung 18-21 July 2008 - Day 4 (1/2 day actually)

Day 4 - Still time to drop by DSE to spend the last Rph in the pocket before the flight back to KL at 1225.Oh dont forget the Rph 60k airport tax :)

More Bandung 18-21 July 2008 - Day 3

Day 3 - morning raid to DSE FO, register as member and you get 10% further disct, for normal price items, you will also get 20% cash back coupon so you can buy more stuff, lunch at Kedai Nyonya Rumah jl Trunojoyo area for nyonya/Sunda food, off to Rockstar and Burner for old rock bands tees. Tea at Amanda outlet for browfee (brownies & coffees oh just forget the calories) Then back up to Dago for spa at Vintage Chic, Jl Raden Patah then back to FO's at Jl Dago for Raffles City, Glamour etc. Dinner at Sajian Sambara, Jl Trunojoyo for more Sunda food, have to give a miss to our usual sate Meranggi hut just down the road and the normal late nites at Plaza Dago.

More Bandung 18-21 July 2008 - Day 2

Day 2 - Pasar baru - textiles, Manggo for Korean/French laces, nice accessories (from Korea actually) and the usual kebaya fabric, telekung, lace (or bordir as it is known there)
Next its Toko Tiga for Levi's jeans,
check into H Sawunggaling (w/end Rph 310k, wk/day - Rph 297k) and lunch Nasi Timbel,
then to Jln Dago for more FO, Grande, Jet Star, Blossom - more jeans, Zara, Timberland n golf tees. Dinner at Dago Tea House, more Sunda food, then cultural performances from Ciamis district…. Ended quite late so hv to cancel the trip up the hill to the Valley

More Bandung 18-21 July 2008 Day 1

some info for those who'd like to know where else to go. Most have been told before but there are some places worth dropping by for the experience :)

Day 1 - Arrival at Husseinsastranegara Airport Bandung, just a small airport just enough for the Air Asia 737 to land next to a cemetary. Note the small terminal and even smaller arrival hall. In the photo the queue is for immigration check and once you go past that you have to scan your bags on the left and collect your baggage.

We check into Retanata homestay (Rph 300k), off Jl Hergamanah. Nice quite place just behind the Jl Juanda where there are quite a few Factory Outlets to raid later. Backalley trail to Dapur Sangkuriang for lunch (pricey but maybe becoz lots off tourist buses) Sunda food and the gurame bakar then to Rumah Mode, then to Diaz at Jl Sederhana for more handbags for the missus.Off to Jl Sukajadi for Rainbow FO (cheap golf tee/Hard Rock cafe Tees/kids Osh Kosh/Nike/Ralph/Benetton) dinner at Ampera Sunda food (local fast food chain) next to it.

From the General Elections to the “Transition Plan”

Speech by YBM Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah At The Bankers Club Business Luncheon Forum

On Tuesday, 15TH July, 2008, at 12.30 p.m.

From the General Elections to the “Transition Plan”

Ladies and Gentlemen:

On the night of March 8, like many of you I watched in disbelief as the results rolled in. Through the early hours of the morning, we all felt the political ground shift beneath us, whatever our affiliations, whatever our hopes. It gradually became clear that the 12th General Elections had changed the political landscape of the country, and that we had been thrown, not nudged, into a new era. Each of us here will remember the feelings we went through that night, the fears and hopes we felt. But four months later, where are we? Have our hopes materialized, our fears been confirmed?

2. Four months after the momentous election results of March 8, we find ourselves in a perilous impasse, in danger of losing our bearings, and seemingly unable to see a way forward through a situation of unbelievable fluidity. I don’t pretend to have a lamp to pierce this fog. Instead, I thought that today we might try to establish a common description of what is going on so that we can have a more fruitful discussion afterwards of what is the way forward. I always prefer the dialogue to the lecture.

3. Thus let me try to achieve a perspective on what happened then, where we are now, and how we can move forward. The perspective I am going to offer is from the trenches of the party political struggle that I have been involved in. As I hope will become clear to you, the present struggle I am involved in for the soul of UMNO is very much a struggle for the future of this nation.

4. From the perspective of the BN and UMNO the result of the polls was the biggest setback in our history. In one stroke four states emerged in Opposition control and we lost our 2/3rds majority in Parliament. I said at the time this put UMNO in a state of Emergency. The Party’s losses would seriously hamper our ability to govern:

a) The Federal government was now weakened in its ability to raise funds, coordinate with the States, and implement policies. Barisan lost control of 3 states from which 75% of the GDP originates.

b) With its failure in the Malay heartland states of Kedah and Kelantan, UMNO lost its legitimacy as the natural party of the Malays. Simultaneously MCA and MIC lost their leadership roles over the other major races of this country and Gerakan was more or less wiped out. A political system that had maintained stability for fifty years had been reduced to ruins.

c) With the loss of its 2/3rds majority in Parliament, the government would now face great difficulty passing the kind of inventive and bold measures that we had taken in the past to set up institutions such as Petronas and Felda. As a developing country we need such flexibility and decisiveness. More so amidst the extraordinary global challenges of our time.

Causes of our loss

5. In a speech in Gua Musang a month after March 8, I listed three core reasons for UMNO’s loss of legitimacy and what we must do:

a) Democracy had been suppressed in Umno. Via requirements such as the nominations quota for senior positions the Party prevented the renewal of talent and leadership . We must restore democracy in UMNO, and begin by restoring power to the grassroots to select their leaders at every level up to the President

b) We had failed to articulate a vision and a set of policies that transcends race. While defending its traditional vision Umno must be the party that sponsors Malay leadershp to win the trust of all Malaysians, a national party that promotes the welfare of all.

c) Too many of our leaders had been arrogant and corrupt. People of all races saw us as being high-handed, out of touch and ill mannered. We must recover our humility, our spirit of service and solidarity with the rakyat and among ourselves.

6. On that occasion I expressed wonder that a month after the Election the leadership remained in denial about the root causes of UMNO’s crisis, and hence unable to address those causes. I said Party leaders continued to block discussion and to block my call for an EGM for us to reflect deeply together, as a party, on where we had gone wrong.

7. I did not imagine that four months later, the leadership would be in even deeper denial, and would seem even more determined to prevent any party-wide accounting of what had gone wrong. Over the last months, as have suffered massive price hikes, business confidence has plummeted, billions have been wiped off our stock markets and capital has drained from our economy, the Malaysian public has grown increasingly worried as the leadership crisis continues.

8. In any normal political system, having shown such poor results, this leadership should have resigned with heads bowed. Instead we have now been handed a Transition Plan to take place in 2010, ignoring the party elections to come this December, and treating Party positions as transferable personal property. They forget that party positions are elected by the combined membership of 3 million, not inherited between 2 persons. This display of entitlement, this subversion of democratic process and legality coming after our members have expressed their demand to be heard, gives cause for people to suspect that our current leadership has lost the plot.

Denial is dangerous

9. The election was a political disaster for the Barisan government. Viewed from a historical perspective, it may have raised some hope that democracy would be reinvigorated. The easy dominance of the ruling coalition seemed to have been broken decisively.

10. That dominance had served us well in difficult phases of our history, when we faced challenges of development, modernization and nation building. It enabled us to administer one of the most stable postcolonial governments seen anywhere and to oversee steady, equitable economic development. It gave us the power to restructure our economy to promote growth and equity in a challenging multiracial context. However that same long dominance had made the party complacent and flabby.

11. The Elections showed that the Malaysian public is ahead of its political parties in demanding democratic reform and accountability. Many hoped that this would be an impetus for the BN component parties to reform themselves and for the government to finally fulfill its promises. But they also feared that the new political landscape would cause instability and stunt growth when we could least afford it, in the middle of an economic downturn.

12. Whether the present circumstances become a blessing or a curse to us depends on how the present leadership responds to it. Sadly, four months on this much is clear: our leaders lag behind in adapting to the challenges of the new political landscape, they remain locked in denial and in personal politics.

13. Instead of heeding the message of reform sent by voters and by its own grassroots the leadership has dug in to perpetuate itself with “business as usual” practices. On its present course UMNO is risking not only its own survival but also the future of the nation. The Party leadership needs to realize that we have reached a major decision point. UMNO cannot go back to the way it had been conducting itself. It must return to being the party of the common people, a political party that was also a broad social movement calling on the idealism of millions. At present, we risk destroying the party and plunging the nation into a spiral of decline.

The imperative of reform, the challenges before us:

14. Let me stand back a little from the day-to-day politics that I have been engaged in to give a more general description of our condition, so that we can think together about what might be done.

a) The nation is in a state of crisis that threatens to go well into 2010 if the so-called Transition Plan becomes fait accompli. The BN is decimated, with UMNO remaining the only sizeable party. The Opposition remains a contradictory assortment of parties with little to bind them but the personality of their de facto leader. Notwithstanding the hype of crossovers, they are in no position to take over. UMNO is the party with the history, tradition and maturity to lead the government. For this it must reform successfully.

b) Meanwhile, UMNO appears trapped with a weakened leadership that seems to lurch from crisis to crisis. The Party’s democratic processes have so atrophied that it is now neither able to hold its leadership accountable nor to renew that leadership. Any organisation, be it a corporation or a sepak takraw team or the United Nations, that finds itself in this condition is in deep trouble. The root of this crisis is of course that democracy has withered in UMNO. Democratic practices within the party have been subverted one by one over the years so that now a small group holds enormous power over millions of dis-empowered members. The top down nature of power within Umno ensures the long survival and indeed the recycling of “warlords”. These same people are rewarded with government positions, which they use to fortify their party positions. Only a genuine movement from the grassroots can retrieve the Party now. I have tried to lead such a movement by going all over the country to meet local leaders and ordinary party members to discuss the situation with them.

c) Our key institutions are at breaking point. These include the judiciary, the police, sectors of the civil service and our schools and universities. They have been on a downward slide for a while. It is time we acknowledge this challenge openly. Under a more authoritarian government it might have been possible to carry on with weak institutions, and indeed that same authoritarianism is what sapped those institutions in the first place. In our new context, those weaknesses just show up relentlessly. Put together institutional weakness, weak leadership and increasingly powerful public opinion, and the result is a crippling loss of confidence in our key institutions. Many of the embarrassments and policy reversals that you read about weekly are the result of such institutional weakness. These problems cannot be hidden anymore. We are in danger of going into a decline from which we shall not emerge for a very long time.

d) After fifty years of independence our Constitution has not yet been established as a living document among the people. To the extent it plays a role in public debate, it is used partially, rhetorically and without understanding of its intent. The very principle of constitutionality and rule of law has eroded, so that even in political parties such as Umno, there is little understanding of what it means to be a constitutionally governed organisation. The implications of this are great, not least in the matters of race and religion that are our constant challenge. If we are to emerge as a confident, united people not swayed by racial or religious rabble-rousing, we must look at ways to ensure that our leaders and our people internalise the principles of the Constitution.

e) Our politics remain a politics of personalities rather than of issues and ideas. Of patronage rather than results. When personality dominated politics degenerates you see the destruction of reputations, intrigues, spy scandals, succession plans and whatnot as stratagems to resolve leadership contests, rather than the Constitutional and democratically provided avenue of seeking an elected mandate. When group dominated by personality politics comes under challenge, the leaders dig in, call for “unity” – meaning they are not to be challenged -- and hold the country hostage to their career plans.

f) Our economic policy remains haphazard, driven by whims and special interest projects rather than by a cohesive design geared to shape areas of distinct national competitive advantage. The stillborn “Corridor” projects do not seem to have been thought out as part of a cohesive national economic strategy. Like so much we have done recently, they seem ad hoc and uncoordinated in their selection of specialisations. The term economic corridor now inspires skepticism rather than confidence. Meanwhile, the Economic Planning Unit (EPU), which used to coordinate and plan our economic strategy, has been largely bypassed under this administration. We need to staff the EPU with talented professionals again, not political appointees.

15. There is one thing each of the problems I have just described has in common: each represents a deficit in norms and institutions. Each of them demands that we renew our commitment to rigorous policy process, to the law and the rule of law. Each is a call to reform.

Ladies and Gentlemen:

16. I would love to get your ideas on my own thoughts on such ideas as the reform or Educational and Medical financing, the improvement of our cities, a renewed emphasis on rural development, and how we can return economic development initiative to the states, together with the funds to undertake those initiatives. We can talk about decentralizing economic growth, eradicating rural poverty and returning investor confidence.

17. We can talk about these during question time if anyone is interested.

18. But recent events confirm we are now in such a deep political crisis that I want to use my remaining time to press a single point: the need to prepare ourselves to retrieve the basic understandings, discipline and practices that constitute a nation.

19. We must reform and strengthen core institutions: the judiciary, security services, the schools and the civil service. These form the core institutional capability of a country. Without this in place we are in danger of taking one step forward only to take two steps back. Right now we are looking at the frightening possibility of seeing those backward steps happen before our eyes.

20. This emphasis on institutional reform applies to UMNO as much as to organizations such as the Judiciary and the Economic Planning Unit (EPU). In each case we will have to work hard to

a) re-clarify the norms, and attach clear sanctions and goals to them.

b) The law must be enforced rigorously and impartially, with the checks and balances between institutions restored

c) Lead, educate and train people to internalise these norms and practices. This requires a deep reform of our declining Education system, and it means we need to look at how we train our civil servants.

d) Meanwhile, we should look at improving the way our political institutions reflect law-governed democratic practice. The constitutions of the political parties should be made to adhere without exception to the Societies Act. Unlawful restrictions in party constitutions should be challenged and removed.

e) We need to arrest the decline in the quality of people seeking employment in these key institutions.

21. The reform of our basic institutions requires credible, committed leadership. For a while now we have had leaders more fascinated with the flashy hardware of modernity than attentive to the invisible infrastructure effective, trusted national institutions.

22. As we ensure we are doing the basic things right, we can be confident that we can once more invent the strategies and institutions to enable us to thrive in a world economy that has been completely transformed in the years since we first dared to raid its centres of power and deal our own terms with its corporate behemoths.

23. The mold is broken, the vessel split. There is no returning to the political scenario pre March 8. This is the frightening and also exhilarating thing about where we stand. We could be standing at the edge of long-term instability and decay. Or we could be on the very edge of an opportunity to re-establish ourselves as democratic, united and confident country ready once more to make our own destiny among the nations. We are in unusual times, calling for unusual effort and boldness in doing the right thing. I ask you all to join me in doing everything you can to make sure that the second scenario comes true for us all.

Scary future

part of the article from http://futurefastforward.com/component/content/article/188

UMNO'S AND BUMIPUTERAS' DEATH WISH - THE TREACHERY OF ABDULLAH BADAWI - By Matthias Chang (LATEST UPDATE) Future FastForward, Sunday, 13 July 2008 05:26

(snip....)

The US is the largest debtor country in the world and its current account deficit (in the US$ trillions) cannot be balanced at any time in the near future (i.e. 20 years minimum). The dollar is now toilet paper. Tan Sri Hassan Merican, Chairman and President of Petronas has warned that very soon (between 2010 to 2012) we will be net importer of oil. There is no Plan B for the Bumiputeras and their future generations when the oil tap runs dry. In the short term, there will be very painful adjustments and disillusionment. This is also a given.

(iv) Impact of the US$ Toilet Paper

Most of our exports are paid in US$ toilet papers - crude, palm oil, electronics etc., and Malaysia is at a huge disadvantage.

Let me explain to those who have no experience of selling goods overseas and getting paid in US$.

When a Malaysian exporter gets paid in US$, the company does not get physical dollars, like when one exchanges ringgit for US$ with the Money-Changer at the shopping mall or at the local bank.

The foreign importer's bank transmits "digital money" – these are mere digits in the computer to the computer of your local bank holding the dollar account. So when the company wants ringgit, it will have to exchange the "digital dollars" for ringgit. This is done by the local bank via Bank Negara, our central bank. At any one time, Bank Negara either prints extra ringgit to exchange for the digital US$ or creates "credit digits" in the account of your local bank. When the exchange rate is RM3.8 to 1 US$, Bank Negara must create "new ringgit" to facilitate the exchange. As a result, there will be more ringgits in our economy and this is the principal cause for our domestic inflation!

This is also how Bank Negara accumulates our country's foreign (dollar) reserves which I believe stands at approximately US$128 billion.

What this means is that the so-called mighty US is buying goods from all over the world for free. The US pays for its imports by creating digits in the computer as payment for the imports. When we say that the US is in a current account deficit, it means that the US is buying more than what it sells. To overcome the shortfall in revenue from its declining exports, the US Federal Reserve creates money out of thin air, by creating "digits" in their computers (i.e. digital money). It is a global fraudulent scam, but the US has been getting away with it for so many years, because it is a big bully and the US demands that countries must accept its "digits" or else face the threat of an invasion.

(v) When Dollar Goes Into Free Fall

When the dollar goes into a free fall, as it assuredly will, the value of our dollar reserves plunges. We may have US$128 billion worth of "digits" but they will not buy US$128 billion worth of anything.

THE MALAYSIAN SOCIAL CONTRACT

For those who have not read it:

http://test.chedet.com/che_det/2008/07/the-malaysian-social-contract.html

THE MALAYSIAN SOCIAL CONTRACT
Posted by Dr. Mahathir Mohamad at July 12, 2008 11:27 AM

1. Before there was Malaya and Malaysia the peninsular was known as Tanah Melayu, or Malay Land.
2. Saying this alone would result in accusations of being racist.
3. But I need to go back in history if I am going to be able to explain about Malaysia's social contract.
4. Through treaties signed by the Rulers of the Malay States of the Peninsular the British acquired the right to rule the Malay States. These treaties obviously recognised and legitimised the States as Malay States. No one disputed this. Even the aborigines accepted this as shown by their submission to the rule of the Malay Sultans.
5. Initially the peoples living in the States were divided into indigenous Malays and aborigines who were subjects of the Malay rulers and foreign guests who were not subjects of the rulers. There were no citizenship or documents about citizenship status as in most countries.
6. The foreign guests prospered in the British ruled Malay States and in the British colonies of Penang, Malacca and Singapore. The Malay subjects of the Rulers and the Rulers themselves did not feel threatened by the numbers of these non-Malays and the disparities between the general wealth and progress of the foreign guests and the subjects of the Rulers. They did not think that the foreigners who had settled in the country would ever demand citizenship rights.
7. When Japan conquered the Malay States and the colonies of the Straits Settlements, the Chinese felt insecure as the Japanese were their historical enemies.
8. Many Chinese formed and joined guerilla forces and disappeared into the jungle. When Japan surrendered the Chinese guerillas came out and seized many police stations in the interior and declared that they were the rulers of the country. They seized many people, Chinese and Malays and executed a number of them.
9. Malay villagers retaliated by killing the Chinese in the rural areas. Tension rose and a Sino-Malay war was only averted because of the arrival of British forces. But the ill feeling and animosity between the two races remained high.
10. It was in this tensed situation that the British proposed the Malayan Union which would give the "guests" the right of citizenship as indistinguishable from that of the Malays.
11. The Malays rejected the Malayan Union and its citizenship proposal. They forced the British to return to the status quo ante in a new Federation of Malaya.
12. Only Chinese who were British subjects in the colonies of the Straits Settlements were eligible to become citizens in this new Federation. Naturally the Malay citizens far outnumbered the Chinese Malayan citizens.
13. Chinese leaders appealed to the British, who then persuaded the UMNO President, Dato Onn Jaafar to propose to open UMNO to all races. This proposal was rejected by the other UMNO leaders and Dato Onn had to resign.
14. The British kept up the pressure for the Malays to be more liberal with citizenship for non-Malays.
15. Tunku Abdul Rahman, the President of UMNO decided on a coalition with MCA (Malaysian Chinese Association) and the MIC (Malaysian Indian Congress). In the 1955 elections to the Federal Legislative Assembly, since there were very few constituencies with Chinese or Indian majorities, the MCA and MIC partners had to put up candidates in Malay majority constituencies after UMNO undertook not to contest in these constituencies but to support MCA Chinese and MIC Indian candidates instead.
16. Such was the support of the Malays for the MCA and MIC alliance candidates that they won even against Malay candidates from PAS. The MCA and MIC candidates all won. Only UMNO lost one constituency against PAS.
17. The Tunku as Chief Minister of a self-governing Federation of Malaya then decided to go for independence. The British continued to inisist on citizenship rights for the Chinese and Indians as a condition for giving independence.
18. To overcome British resistance to independence and to gain the support of the Chinese and Indians, the Tunku decided to give one million citizenship to the two communities based purely on residence. One notable new citizen was (Tun) Leong Yew Koh, a former general in the Chinese National Army who was later appointed Governor of Malacca.
19. It was at this stage that the leaders of the three communal parties who had formed the Government of self-governing British Federation of Malaya, discussed and reached agreement on the relationship between the three communities in an independent Federation of Malaya.
20. It was to be a quid pro quo arrangement. In exchange for the one million citizenships the non-Malays must recognise the special position of the Malays as the indigenous people. Certain laws such as the pre-eminence of Islam as the state religion, the preservation of Malay reserve land, the position of the Malay Rulers and Malay customs and the distribution of Government jobs were included in the understanding.
21. On the question of national language it was agreed that Malay would be the national language. English should be the second language. The Chinese and Indians could continue to use their own languages but not in official communication.
22. Chinese and Tamil primary schools can use their languages as teaching media. They can also be used in secondary schools but these have to be private schools.
23. For their part the Chinese and Indian leaders representing their parties and communities demanded that their citizenship should be a right which could not be annulled, that they should retain their language, religion and culture, that as citizens they should have political rights as accorded to all citizens.
24. Much of these agreements and understandings are reflected in the Federal Constitution of Independent Malaya. For everything that is accorded the Malays, there is always a provision for non-Malays. Few ever mention this fact. The only thing that attracts everyone's attention and made a subject of dispute is what is accorded the Malays and other indigenous people.
25. Thus although Malay is to be the National Language, Chinese and Tamil can be used freely and in the Chinese and Tamil schools. In no other country has there been a similar provision. Even the most liberal countries do not have this constitutional guarantee.
26. The national language is to be learnt by everyone so that Malayan citizens can communicate with each other everywhere.
27. It was understood also that the Chinese language referred in the understanding were the Chinese dialects spoken in Malaysia, not the national language of China. Similarly for Malayan Indians the language was Tamil, not Hindi or Urdu or whatever became the national language of India. However, the Chinese educationists later insisted that the Chinese language must be the national language of China i.e. Mandarin.
28. The official religion is Islam but other religions may be practised by their adherents without any restriction. As the official religion, Islam would receive Government support. Nothing was said about support for the other religions. The non-Malays did not press this point and the Federal Constitution does not mention Government support for the other religions. Nevertheless such support have been given.
29. A quota was fixed for the Malayan Civil Service wherein the Malays would get four posts for every one given to Chinese or Indians. However it was recognised that the professional post would be open to all races as it was never thought possible there would be enough Malays to take up these posts.
30. The result was that in the early years of independence there were more non-Malays in Division 1 than Malays.
31. The Agong or the Rulers of the States should determine quotas of scholarships and licences for Malays. But no one should be deprived of whatever permits or licences in order to give to Bumiputras.
32. The position of the Malay Rulers was entrenched and could not be challenged. There would be a Paramount Ruler chosen from among the nine Rulers who would serve for five years.
33. The rulers were to be constitutional rulers. Executive power was to be exercised by elected Menteris Besar, Ketua Menteri (Chief Minister) and Prime Minister, assisted by members of councils and cabinets. The British practice was to be the model.
34. The most important understanding was the adoption of Parliamentary Democracy with a Constitutional Monarch, again after the United Kingdom model. It should be remembered that the British imposed an authoritarian colonial Government on the Malay State, the power resting with the Colonial Office in London.
35. Before these the Malay States were feudal with the Malay Rulers enjoying near absolute power. Only the elites played a role in State politics. The Malay subjects had no political rights at all. Certainly the guests had no say in politics. Even the Chinese and Indian British citizens had no say though they may be appointed as Municipal or Legislative Councillors.
36. The decision to adopt a democratic system of Government was a radical step in the governance of the Federation of Malaya and of the Malay States. This was agreed to by the leaders of the three major communities as represented by their political parties i.e. UMNO, MCA and MIC. There can be no doubt that these parties represented the vast majority of the three communities in Malaya. The Communists and the other leftists did not signify their agreement to the understanding.
37. The Reid Commission was briefed on all these agreements and understanding so that they will be reflected in the Constitution to be drawn up. All the three parties approved this Constitution after several amendments were made. In effect the Constitution became a contract binding on all the three communities in the Federation of Malaya upon attaining independence in 1957.
38. When Sabah and Sarawak joined the Peninsular States to form Malaysia the social contract was extended to the two Borneo States. The natives of Sabah and Sarawak were given the same status as the Malays. At this time the word Bumiputra was introduced to distinguish the indigenous Malays and Sabah, Sarawak natives from those descendants of foreign immigrants. Because Malay was widely used in the Borneo States there was no difficulty in the acceptance of Malay as the national language. The fact that the natives of the two states are not all Muslims necessitated no change in the Constitution once the word Bumiputra was accepted. But the official definition of a Malay remained.
39. The embodiment of the social contract is therefore the Constitution of first, the Federation of Malaya and then Malaysia.
40. To say it does not exist is to deny the contents of the Constitution which was based upon the acceptance by the leaders of the three communities of the original social contract.
41. All subsequent actions by the Government were the results of this social contract. The fact that the initiators of this social contract and their successors were endorsed by the people in every election reflects the undertaking of the people to honour this social contract.
42. Saying that the social contract does not exist is like saying that Malaysia exists in a vacuum, without a Constitution and laws based on this Constitution.
43. Implementing the social contract requires understanding of its spirit as much as the letter. The social contract is aimed at creating a multi-racial nation that is stable and harmonious. Any factor which would cause instability and result in confrontation between the races must be regarded as incompatible with the spirit of the social contract.
44. For 50 years no one seriously questioned the social contract. Even today the majority of Chinese and Indians and the indigenous Malays and natives of Sabah and Sarawak accept the social contract. But because Dato Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi basically lost the 2008 election and now heads a weak Government the extremists and erstwhile detractors have questioned the social contract. The Bar Council has now become a political party believing that its expertise in law will exempt it from being questioned as to its credentials and its political objectives.
45. Abdullah's UMNO is incapable of countering any attack on the social contract. If anything untoward happens Abdullah and UMNO must bear responsibility.

from http://parpukari.blogspot.com/2009/06/reid-commission-original-document.html

Reid Commission - The Original Document!

POLITICAL TESTAMENT BETWEEN UMNO, MCA & MIC

Diatas adalah dokumen yang asal Suruhanjaya Reid!

Beggars in Singapore

Who said there is no beggars in Singapore? I can tell you they do have beggars and I saw it my self. We were having tea in a food court in Joo Chiat when this guy came along and walked to each table asking for money. Smartly dressed but same modus operandi :) hands stretched asking for your dough.

To Singapore by bus

Its been quite sometime since I last use express bus service. I decided to try this Aeroline express to Singapore from Sunway Pyramid. It was a pleasant journey, about 5 hours to reach Harbour Front in Singapore entering through Tuas. The seats are big as you can see in the photos, they serve packed Chicken Rice Shop meals on board and free drinks as well served by a stewardess. Every seats has its own power socket - for your laptop or handphone - unfortunately there in no Wi-Fi on board :). It cost RM 80 one way and I find the whole thing quite convenient compared to taking a flight. Mind you if you take a flight it will take 1 hour to go to KLIA, 1.5-2 hours waiting at the airport, 1 hour for the actual flight and another 1 hour to get out of Changi. In total about 5 hours too.

The stop at Singapore, at harbourfront is the exit point for ferries to Batam etc, Sentosa island is right across it, the cable car station is right next to the shopping mall, together with Vivo City. This seven-storied shopping destination at the HarbourFront in Singapore is huge and spacious for shopping. It houses Singapore's biggest cinema with 15 screens along with other features such as food courts, spas, electrical shops, gyms, restaurants etc. The building is designed by the famous Japanese architect Toyo Ito.

DYTM Raja Nazrin Shah's Address at MCKK June 2008

TITAH DYTM RAJA MUDA PERAK DARUL RIDZUAN
RAJA NAZRIN SHAH IBNI SULTAN AZLAN MUHIBBUDIN SHAH
DI MAJLIS HARI UCAPAN DAN PENYAMPAIAN HADIAH 2008
THE MALAY COLLEGE KUALA KANGSAR
TARIKH: 21 JUN 2008 (SABTU), JAM: 9.30 PAGI
TEMPAT: THE MALAY COLLEGE KUALA KANGSAR

Assalamualaikum Warahmatullahi Wabarakatuh
Salam Sejahtera
Bismillahi Rahmani Rahim.

Segala puji milik Allah Subhanahu Wata’ala, Tuhan semesta alam yang menguasai segala khazanah ilmu dan lautan pengetahuan. Selawat dan salam ke atas Junjungan Besar Nabi Muhammad Sallallahu Alaihi Wassalam, ahli keluarga dan para Sahabat Baginda seterusnya kepara para Tabiin dan para ulama. Semoga memperoleh ihsan di hari kebangkitan.

2. Beta bersyukur ke hadrat ILAHI, kerana dengan izin dan rahmat dari Nya jua, Beta sekali lagi dapat berangkat ke Majlis Hari Ucapan dan Penyampaian Hadiah, The Malay College Kuala Kangsar (MCKK).

(photo from http://www.mckk.edu.my/index.php?option=com_ponygallery&Itemid=29&func=detail&id=140)

3. The Malay College Kuala Kangsar atau MCKK adalah institusi pendidikan yang akar sejarah penubuhannya berkait rapat dengan istana. MCKK ditubuhkan hasil gema suara istana. Duli-Duli Yang Maha Mulia Raja-Raja Melayu berperanan sebagai penggerak utama kepada penubuhan Kolej ini. MCKK adalah produk, hasil cetusan Raja-Raja Melayu kerana Duli-Duli Yang Maha Mulia itu amat prihatin akan pentingnya anak-anak Melayu diperlengkap dengan pendidikan berkualiti tinggi. Duli-Duli Yang Maha Mulia Raja-Raja Melayu insaf betapa pentingnya anak-anak Melayu yang merupakan peribumi di Tanah Melayu ini dibekalkan dengan ilmu—diperlengkap dengan pengetahuan. Sesungguhnya, 100 tahun yang lalu, Duli-Duli Yang Maha Mulia Raja-Raja Melayu telah memiliki wawasan jauh dan pemikiran radikal untuk mempersiapkan bangsanya berupaya menghadapi cabaran dunia di hari muka. Lalu MCKK ditubuhkan dalam tahun 1905 di Bandar Di Raja Kuala Kangsar.

4. Setelah mencapai 100 tahun penubuhannya dengan kehendak ILAHI juga, Beta telah diberikan amanah memenuhi tanggung jawab sebagai Pengerusi Lembaga Pengelola MCKK. Dengan perkenan Duli-Duli Yang Maha Mulia Raja-Raja Melayu, MCKK telah dimasyhurkan sebagai sebuah institusi Warisan Bangsa dan Negara. MCKK perlu senantiasa disuntik dengan nafas baru agar kekal dihormati sebagai institusi pendidikan menengah yang terunggul di negara ini. Beta insaf betapa pentingnya kualiti—betapa mustahaknya taraf pendidikan di Kolej ini ditingkatkan bertaraf dunia, agar tradisi melahirkan barisan pemimpin yang berwibawa dapat diteruskan; agar keupayaan menghasilkan wira bangsa yang hebat berpencak di gelanggang dunia dapat dilaksanakan. Atas keinsafan itu, pada tahun 2005, Beta telah menyuarakan kesediaan Lembaga Pengelola untuk melaksanakan program International Baccalaureate (IB) di Kolej ini. Suara tersebut telah mendapat sokongan padu dari Malay College Old Boys Association (MCOBA). Alhamdulillah, niat murni dan hasrat baik tersebut telah diberikan persetujuan oleh Kementerian Pelajaran Malaysia.

5. Berdasarkan akar sejarah penubuhannya, identiti MCKK dari segi bentuk—dari segi tenaga pengajar—dari segi kurikulum—dari segi kokurikulum haruslah mempunyai keunikan. Negara haruslah melihat kedudukan MCKK dari kaca mata penilaian yang berbeza dan tidak wajar disamakan dengan institusi-institusi pendidikan yang lain. Beta amat menghargai peranan MCOBA dan bekas-bekas pelajar MCKK yang senantiasa memberikan komitmen, membantu usaha-usaha untuk membangun dan memajukan MCKK. Yang Amat Berbahagia Tun Mohammed Hanif Omar bersama Tuan Haji Khalilur Rahman serta disokong oleh beberapa bekas pelajar MCKK kini sedang melakukan inisiatif untuk menubuhkan The MCKK FOUNDATION, sebuah yayasan untuk membantu usaha-usaha membangunkan MCKK supaya terus kekal sebagai sebuah kolej pengajian yang terbilang tanpa terlalu bergantung pada sumber kewangan kerajaan. Beta disembah maklumkan bahawa beberapa institusi, badan-badan perniagaan dan juga tokoh-tokoh dari kalangan bekas pelajar telah memberi komitmen untuk membantu menjayakan hasrat yayasan ini dengan sasaran permulaan tabung bernilai sepuluh juta ringgit.

6. Lembaga Pengelola bersama MCOBA juga sedang berusaha mencari sumber kewangan untuk menambah kepada peruntukan asas yang telah diluluskan oleh Kerajaan Persekutuan bagi pembinaan dewan baru. Peruntukan yang diluluskan oleh Kerajaan Persekutuan hanya cukup untuk membina sebuah dewan biasa. Selaras dengan semangat mahukan MCKK memiliki identiti sebuah institusi pendidikan yang unggul, kata sepakat telah dicapai supaya dewan baru yang akan dibina, memiliki reka bentuk, nilai-nilai estetika, fungsi dan kemudahan yang dapat memberi kebanggaan kepada warga MCKK; di samping dewan baru tersebut dapat menyediakan kemudahan untuk membantu proses mengasah perkembangan bakat dan proses mengasuh pertumbuhan potensi pelajar. Beta amat menghargai sokongan yang diberikan secara fikiran, kepakaran, tenaga dan komitmen kewangan dari bekas-bekas pelajar untuk menrealisasikan usaha ini.

7. Setiap langkah baru yang dirintis, adalah kesinambungan usaha bagi memenuhi aspirasi Duli-Duli Yang Maha Mulia Raja-Raja Melayu yang begitu prihatin terhadap kualiti pendidikan anak bangsanya yang telah dizahirkan sejak lebih seratus tahun dahulu. Duli-Duli Yang Maha Mulia Raja-Raja Melayu ketika itu amat menyedari betapa pentingnya anak bangsa pewaris bumi, diperkukuh dengan iman—diperlengkap dengan pengetahuan, supaya bangsa Melayu itu di hari muka, tidak menerima nasib malang, bagaikan ayam kelaparan di kepuk—bagaikan itik kehausan di air. Betapa malangnya bangsa jika menerima nasib bagaikan dagang di kampung sendiri, jika terpaksa bermusafir di bumi sendiri. Kerana itu, bangsa perlulah kuat dari segala aspek, supaya terus gagah—terus perkasa, berhati cekal—bersemangat waja; berupaya mendaki gunung yang tinggi, bertenaga menyeberangi laut yang dalam.

8. Untuk menrealisasikan wawasan Duli-Duli Yang Maha Mulia Raja-Raja Melayu itu, dan untuk memastikan impian bangsa menjadi nyata, warga MCKK wajib memelihara etos kecemerlangan. Warga MCKK hendaklah terus mempertahankan tradisi kegemilangan. Dan anak bangsa yang telah berjaya, janganlah berperangai si Tenggang, terlalu cepat bersifat angkuh—terlalu mudah berlagak bongkak, hingga melupakan asal keturunan—hingga memisahkan diri dari akar bangsanya, menjadi rakus—menjadi gopoh, hingga tergamak menebang pohon tempat bernaung—mencantas dahan tempat bergantung. Kejayaan anak bangsa di hari ini adalah atas pengorbanan—atas keringat—atas kesusahan—atas usaha generasi dahulu. Bangsa yang dapat meneruskan kelangsungan—bangsa yang tamadunnya kekal agung, adalah bangsa yang tidak memutuskan diri dengan akar sejarah malah senantiasa menghargai pengorbanan generasi terdahulu.

9. MCKK adalah tempat terkumpulnya anak bangsa yang terpilih dari kalangan yang paling cerdas berasaskan prestasi pencapaian akademik. Di sinilah cerdik pandai Melayu dikampungkan dari usia yang begitu muda. Di sinilah asuhan—di sinilah bimbingan dilakukan dalam usaha membina modal insan untuk meneruskan kelangsungan bangsa di bumi warisan turun temurun. Permata-permata bangsa ini diserahkan untuk digarap—untuk dicanai oleh barisan para pendidik. Garap dan canailah permata-permata bangsa ini supaya dapat menyinar cahaya kepada bangsanya—kepada negaranya. Bisikkan kepada mereka akan petua orang-orang tua, bahawa kiambang adalah kiambang, biduk berlalu bertautlah ia, pesankan kepada mereka jangan terlalu cepat bermusuh dengan kawan dan jangan terlalu ghairah bersahabat dengan musuh kerana sejak zaman dahulu lagi terlalu banyak musang berbulu ayam, terlalu banyak sokong yang membawa rebah. Ingatkanlah mereka akan sejarah bangsanya bernegara berlandaskan adat rakyat bersultan—negeri beraja.

10. Beta menzahirkan ucap tahniah kepada para pelajar yang telah mencapai tahap hingga melayakkan mereka menerima penganugerahan pada pagi ini. Bersyukurlah atas kejayaan ini dan perlihatkanlah sifat bersyukur itu dengan memberi penghargaan sewajarnya kepada mereka yang telah banyak berjasa membantu kejayaan saudara-saudara, terutama sekali ibu-bapa dan para guru. Perlihatkan sifat kesyukuran itu nanti dengan kembali untuk membantu MCKK menjadi lebih terbilang. Buktikan tanda kesyukuran itu dengan memberikan pembelaan kepada bangsa dan nusa. Insaflah bahawa kejayaan itu adalah kurniaan ILAHI, bersyukurlah kepada ILAHI, jadilah anak yang soleh, jadilah warga yang setia kepada Raja dan negaranya, jadilah Muslim yang bertakwa.

Wabillahi taufik walhidayah

Wassalamualaikum Warahmatullahi Wabarakatuh.

Kata-kata Hikmah

Received this from a friend.

If you don't have an objective in life, any cause could be one
Si tu n'as pas un but dans la vie, tout peut servir comme un but.
** ** ** **
يوجد دائماً من هو أشقى منك ، فابتسم

There is always one who suffers more than you do, so you should be optimistic
Il y a toujours quelqu'un qui souffre plus que toi , donc soit optimiste
** ** ** **

يظل الرجل طفلاً حتى تموت أمه ، فإذا ماتت شاخ فجأة

A man will continue acting like a child until his mother's death, then he will age in a sudden
L'homme continue agir comme un enfant jusqu'à la mort de sa mère,
à ce moment là, il vieillira d'un seul coup
** ** ** **
عندما تحب عدوك يحس بتفاهته

When you love your enemy is when he feels of his emptiness
C'est quand tu aimes ton enemi, c'est là quand il sent qu'il vaut rien
** ** ** **
إذا طعنت من الخلف فاعلم أنك في المقدمة

If you have been betrayed from behind the scene,
then you should be proud because you are the only one who is in front
Si quelqu'un t'as trahi sans ta connaisance, mais parce qu'il est jalous que tu es en avant.
** ** ** **
الكلام اللين يغلب الحق البين

The soft words are more powerful than the naked truth
Les mots doux sont beaucoup plus puissants de la vérité nue
** ** ** **

كلنا كالقمر .. له جانب مظلم

We are all like the bright moon, we still have our darker side
On est tous comme la lune, nous avons en nous ce c?té sembre
** ** ** **
لا تتحدى إنساناً ليس لديه ما يخسره

Don't challenge someone who has nothing to loose
Ne lance pas un défi à quelqu'un qui n'a rien à perrdre
** ** ** **

العين التي لا تبكي لا تبصر في الواقع شيئاً

The eye which doesn't know the meaning of tears, it doesn't know anything of value
L'oeil qui ne connait pas des larmes, elle ne connait rien de valeurs.
** ** ** **

المهزوم إذا ابتسم أفقد المنتصر لذة الفوز

Si le vaincu continu à garder son sourire il force le vainceur de perdre la jouissance du victoire
If the loser keeps his smile the winner will loose the thrill of victory.
** ** ** **

لا خير في يمنى بغير يسار

No benefit of a right without a left.
Aucun profit d'une droite sans la gauche
** ** ** **

الجزع عند المصيبة، مصيبة أخرى

The panic from a catastrophe is another catasrtophe
La panic dans un cas catastrophique un une catastrophe
** ** ** **
الابتسامة كلمة معروفه من غير حروف

The smile is a famous word without letters
Le sourire est un mot sans caractères
** ** ** **

اعمل على أن يحبك الناس عندما تغادر منصبك، كما يحبونك عندما تتسلمه

Be cheerful when gettin-out as when you coming-in
Soit acceuillant à ton départ comme à ton arrivé
** ** ** **

لا تطعن في ذوق زوجتك، فقد اختارتك أولا

Don't be critic to yor wife's taste, she is the one who selected you at the first place.
Ne soit pas criticant du go?t de ta femme, rappele-toi qu'elle ta choisie au premier lieu
** ** ** **

لن تستطيع أن تمنع طيور الهم أن تحلق فوق رأسك ولكنك تستطيع أن تمنعها من أن تعشش في راسك

You can't chase worries flying over your head but you can do preventing them from nesting in your head
Tu ne peux pas empêcher les craintes de voler en sessus de votre tête mais tu peux les empêcher de faire un nid dans ta tête
** ** ** **

تصادق مع الذئاب .. على أن يكون فأسك مستعداً

Dive with the shark but beware not to be swallowed
Nage avec les requins mais fais attention de ne pas être avaler
* ** ** **

ذوو النفوس الدنيئة يجدون اللذة في التفتيش عن أخطاء العظماء

The demeanour will be thrilled in finding out a mistake of his great rival
** ** ** **

إنك تخطو نحو الشيخوخة يوماً مقابل كل دقيقة من الغضب

Every minute of anger will get you one more year older.
Chaque minute de colère vous rend un an plus vieux
** ** ** **
end and don't

إن بعض القول فن .. فاجعل الإصغاء فناً

Elocution is an art so let listening be a similar art
La diction est une art Il faut donc considerer l'écoute comme une art semblable
** ** ** **

الذي يولد وهو يزحف ، لا يستطيع أن يطير

The impossible can never become possible
L'impossible est impossible
** ** ** **

اللسان الطويل دلالة على اليد القصيرة

The gift of gab is a proof of jealousy
La langue pendue est une preuve de la jalousie.
** ** ** **

نحن نحب الماضي لأنه ذهب، ولو عاد لكرهناه

We have nostalgia for the past because it is gone. If it comes back we would hate it.
Nous avons la nostalgie pour le passé parce que nous l'avons quitté, mais si il retournera nous allons le détester.
** ** ** **

من علت همته طال همه

The one whose ambition is great so his worries
Celui qui as beaucoup d'ambition il a beaucoup de souci
** ** ** **

من العظماء من يشعر المرء فى حضرته أنه صغير ولكن العظيم بحق هو من يشعر الجميع في حضرته بأنهم عظماء

People feel small in the presence of some of the great personality, , yet the greatest is the one who let all around him feel great as well
Des gens qui sentent tout petit devant une grande personalité, cependant une personne est digne d'être appeler grand est celui qui laisse chaque personne de son entourage sentir important
** ** ** **

من يطارد عصفورين يفقدهما معاً

Celui qui chasse deux oiseaux en même temps il les perd tous les deux
Chase two birds at the same time and you will loose both.
** ** ** **

المرأة هي نصف المجتمع ، وهي التي تلد و تربي النصف الآخر

The woman is half the society and the one who educates the other half
La femme est la moitié de la société et c'est elle qui élève l'autre moitié
** ** ** **

لكل كلمة أذن، ولعل أذنك ليست لكلماتي، فلا تتهمني بالغموض

For every word their is a listener and probably my words don't suit your ears. So please don't accuse me of being ambiguous
Pour chaque mot en trouvera un écouteur et probablement mes mots ne te coviennent pas. Donc s'il te plait ne m'accuse pas d'être un ambigu
** ** ** **

كلما ارتفع الإنسان تكاثفت حوله الغيوم والمحن

As more higher up one rises to as more clouds and problems will surround him.
Plus que la personne s'élevera plus que ses problèmes s'accroîtera
** ** ** **

لا تجادل الأحمق ، فقد يخطئ الناس في التفريق بينكما

Don't argue with an ignorant for it will be hard for people to differentiate between you
Ne pas discuter avec un ignorant, le monde seront mélés entre vous
** ** ** **

الفشل في التخطيط يقود إلى التخطيط للفشل

The failure in planning will lead in planning to failure
L'échec en planification mènera en planification vers l'échec
** ** ** **

قد يجد الجبان 36 حلاً لمشكلته ولكن لا يعجبه سوى حل واحد منها وهو .. الفرار

The coward will find 36 solutions to his problem but the one will like most is fleeing
Le lâche trouvera 36 solutions pour son problème mais le plus qu'il préférera c'est de fuire
** ** ** **

شق طريقك بابتسامتك خير لك من أن تشقها بسيفك

Better set your path with a smile than with a sword
Mieux creuser ton chemin avec un souris que le creuser avec une épée
** ** ** **
من أطاع الواشي ضيَع الصديق

If you listen to the telltale you will lose the friend
Si tu écoutes le rapporteur tu perds l'ami
** ** ** **

أن تكون فرداً في جماعة الأسود خير لك من أن تكون قائداً للنعام

Better being a cub in thfamily of Lions than being a king of the ostriches
Mieux d'être un lionceau dans une famille des lions qu'un roi des autruches